The Protocols of Zion Toolkit - Part 3
Peter Myers, September 22, 2002; update November 2, 2006. My comments are shown {thus}.
You are at http://users.cyberone.com.au/myers/toolkit3.html.
This is Part 3. Part 1 is at toolkit.html; Part 2 is at toolkit2.html.
Part 3 of the Protocols of Zion Toolkit deals with the events from 1914 to the early 1920s, which seemed to have been predicted in the Protocols: the World War, the Bolshevik Revolution, the Balfour Declaration inauguraing the state of Israel, and the attempt to make the League of Nations a World Government.
added August 11, 2003: 19. Stalin accused of endorsing the Protocols
added May 19, 2004: 22. Dr. John Coleman on "Colonel" House
added September 19, 2004: 23. Lenin's Opposition to the Treaty of Versailles
9. The Push for World Government at the Peace Conference of Versailles (1919)
Those promoting World Government never quote ulterior motives, such as the pursuit of their own power or the imposition of their own ideology; instead, they speak of universal principles of morality and common humanity.
The attempt at world government was disguised under slogans such as "unifying mankind", "the war to end war", and "preventing future wars". Thus the name of the League To Enforce Peace.
Cyrus Alder, Jacob H Schiff: His Life and Letters Volume II, Doubleday, Doran and Company, New York, 1928:
{p. 193} He {Jacob Schiff} was also one of the first to recognize that thinking men must put their minds to work to devise some means to avoid future wars. In spite of his unwillingness to appear publicly in the matter, he was disposed, because of his strong convictions, to take an earnest part in the League to Enforce Peace, and, on October 27, 1916, he addressed a letter to President Wilson, referring to a conversation of a month previous, and urging the President to give the principal address at a dinner which was being arranged by the League for November 24. He likewise urged Wilson to join with Lord Bryce and other leaders of world opinion to take active steps for the avoidance of future wars. ...
{p. 315} Again he described the issue {in a letter to} to Zangwill, December 12th:
{p. 316} I have been carrying on ... conferences and discussions with Justice Brandeis and other Zionist leaders ... I want to be permitted to state I do not see any raison d'etre for a Jewish state in Palestine that does not have Judaism as its cornerstone, nor that I can consider anyone a Jew who does not acknowledge the Jewish concept of the Deity. ...
{end of quotes}
Inga Floto, Colonel House in Paris, Princeton University Press, 1980:
{p. 197} ... it was Wickham Steed, more than any other man, who came to influence the atmosphere during the most critical phase of the Conference, because just at that time, Lord Northcliffe began his frontal attack on Lloyd George, and his most important weapons for this purpose included Steed's editorials in the (Paris) Daily Mail and The Times. ...
It was Auchincloss who provided Steed with a considerable part of the ammunition with which he thwarted all attempts by Lloyd George to support Bullitt's peace plan, and he went even further than that. In talks with Northcliffe and Steed, he encouraged them to bring pressure to bear not only on Lloyd George but also on Wilson. However, in this extremely disloyal behaviour, Auchincloss appears to have been acting entirely on his own initiative and House was not involved. All the same, as we have seen, this conduct did not escape the notice of Lloyd George or Wilson's closest advisers. Both Lloyd George and {Bernard} Baruch reacted on 4 April, and there is really no reason for thinking that Wilson was kept ignorant on matters much longer than this.
{end of quotes}
Alfred Zimmern, The League of Nations and the Rule of Law, Macmillan, London 1939:
{p. 231} Clinton, New York
August 16, 1918
My Dear Colonel House: {from Senator Elihu Root}
The first requisite for any durable concert of peacable nations to prevent war is a fundamental change in the principle to be applied to international breaches of the peace ...
{p. 232} The change involves a limitation of sovereignty, making every sovereign state subject to the superior right of a community of sovereign states to have the peace preserved. {end}
Elihu Root's role in forming the Council On Foreign Relations: http://www.sweetliberty.org/issues/shadow/cfrintro.htm.
Schiff and Baruch were leading Jewish proponents of World Government at the time of the Treaty of Versailles.
Encyclopedia Judaica (Jerusalem, Keter Publishing House, 1971) records, under BARUCH:
"BERNARD BARUCH (1870-1965), stock analyst, self-styled "speculator" and statesman ... President Wilson ... made him chairman of the Commission on Raw Materials, Minerals, and Metals. Durinng World War I he served as chairman of the War Industries Board with power to virtually mobilize the American wartime economy. At the war's end he served on the Supreme Economic Council at the Conference of Versailles, where he was President Wilson's personal economic adviser ... "
The following information on Walter Lippman, with whom H. G. Wells worked closely, is from the Spartacus site http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/USAlippmann.htm
{quote} Walter Lippmann, the son of second-generation German-Jewish parents, was born in New York City on 23rd September, 1889. While studying at Harvard University he became a socialist and was co-founder of the Harvard Socialist Club and edited the Harvard Monthly.
In 1911 Lincoln Steffens, the campaigning journalist, took Lippmann on as his secretary. Like Steffens, Lippmann supported Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Party in the 1912 presidential elections. Lippman's book, A Preface to Politics (1913) was well-received and the following year he joined Herbert Croly in establishing the political weekly, the New Republic.
Lippmann rejected his earlier socialism in Drift and Mastery (1914) and in 1916 became a staunch supporter of Woodrow Wilson and the Democratic Party. In 1917 Lippmann was appointed as assistant to Newton Baker, Wilson's secretary of war. Lippman worked closely with Woodrow Wilson and Edward House in drafting the Fourteen Points Peace Programme. He was a member of the USA's delegation to the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and helped draw up the covenant of the League of Nations. ... {endquote}
Trotsky wrote of Wilson's Fourteen Points, in his autobiography:
"After the October revolution, an enterprising New York publisher brought out my German pamphlet as an imposing American book. According to his own statement, President Wilson asked him, by telephone from the White House, to send the proofs of the book to him; at that time, the President was composing his Fourteen Points, and, according to reports from people who were informed, could not get over the fact that a Bolshevik had forestalled him in his best formulae."
The reference is Leon Trotsky, My Life: The Rise and Fall of a Dictator (Thornton Butterworth Limited, London 1930), p. 208; and in the paperback edition, My Life (Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1975), p. 249.
R. H. Bruce Lockhart writes in Memoirs of a Secret Agent (Putnam, London 1932): "In the spring of 1917 Kerensky requested the British Government to facilitate Trotsky's return to Russia." (p. 227).
Herman Bernstein, Jewish author of Celebrities of Our Time: Interviews, quotes a British officer: "We wanted to hold him, but Milukov and Kerensky insisted upon our releasing him." (p. 212, below).
Kerensky, the Jewish leader of the Government in Russia after the Tsar's fall, thus facilitated the Bolshevik Revolution.
10. One man stops World Government
Henry Wickham-Steed, newspaper editor, single-handedly blocked the secret push for World Government at the Peace Conference of Versailles in 1919.
Only later did he fall out with Northcliffe. Wickham-Steed condoned Zionism but opposed Bolshevism and the push for World Government by Wilson, H. G. Wells, Jacob Schiff and others.
Henry Wickham-Steed, Through Thirty Years 1892-1922: A Personal Narrative Volume II. London, William Heinemann Ltd, 1924.
{p. 270} The first bad blunder was made on January 22nd when Mr. Lloyd George sudden]y proposed that Bolshevist delegates should be invited to Paris. A similar suggestion had been made by a Jewish writer ten days before in the Manchester Guardian. The notion was that the Bolshevists and the Russian border peoples whom they were striving to destroy should cease fighting and meet in Paris alongside of the Peace Conference; but its practical effect would have been to accredit Bolshevism and to stimulate its growth in Central Europe. The French were aghast at this suggestion. Even President Wilson seems not altogether to have favoured the idea of bringing the Bolshevists to Paris, though he sanctioned a pro-
{p. 271} posal that delegates from the Conference should be sent to meet them at Prinkipo in the Sea of Marmora. Even this compromise found little favour in the Peace Conference - especially when the Bolshevists replied by offering the Allies economic and commercial concessions in return for recognition. Americans generally felt the Prinkipo proposal to be as bad a mistake as that which President Wilson had made in November, 1918, when he issued his appeal for a vote in favour of his Administration on the eve of the American Congressional Elections instead of appealing to the electorate from a non-party standpoint as the head of the whole American people. That mistake he would hardly have made had Colonel House then been at his side, just as he would scarcely have launched the Prinkipo idea if House had been well enough to advise him. Indeed, I found "the Colonel" seriously perturbed at the President's tendency to deal himself with questions which he did not really understand while immobilizing the whole Conference by his refusal to delegate work. Ultimately the Prinkipo proposal broke down. The Bolshevists refused to cease fighting and the various governments established on the borders of Russia declined to "sit at the same table with bandits and murderers." Dr. Kramarzh, who had just been appointed first Prime Minister of Czechoslovakia and head of the Czechoslovak delegation in Paris, came to see me in a state of despair. He said,
"We have been working hard to consolidate the position in Czechoslovakia. The reaction against the attempt made to assassinate me at Prague brought all our Socialists on to an anti-Bolshevik basis. We have 50,000 Czechoslovak troops in Siberia who saved the situation there for the Allies and whom we have, with difficulty, persuaded not to come home at once. This quasi-recognition of the Bolshevists without our opinion having been asked may upset the whole position. It is an unpardonable piece of lightmindedness."
{p. 282} The most serious hitch came on February 11th when Wilson absolutely declined to accept the French demand for the creation of an international force that should operate under the executive control of the League of Nations. M. Bourgeois urged the French view with much eloquence and pertinacity. Wilson claimed that the Constitution of the United States did not permit of any such limitation upon its sovereignty; and Lord Robert Cecil took a similar view in regard to the British Empire. The French stood their ground and declined to surrender the claim which, in their view, could alone prevent the League of Nations Covenant from being a philosophical treatise, devoid of practical authority. Thus the sitting broke up towards midnight on February 11th, leaving the position very strained. That night, however, Mr. Oscar Straus arrived in Paris from New York with a mandate from ex-President Taft and the American League to Enforce Peace.
{Steed then says that House, like him, wanted to plant an acorn, whereas Wilson wanted to plant a mature oak tree.}
{p. 285} Nevertheless, Mr. Wilson overcame his obstinacy of February 12th and 13th sufficiently to agree to the draft Covenant and to present it to the Conference on February 14th in a hopeful speech.
"Armed force is in the background of this programme," he said, "but it is in the background, and if the moral force of the world will not suffice, the physical force of the world shall. But that is in the last resort, because this is intended as a constitution of peace, not as a lengue of war."
{p. 301} THE BULLITT MISSION
... a flutter was caused by the return from Moscow of Messrs. William C. Bullitt and Lincoln Steffens who had been sent to Russia towards the middle of February by Colonel House and Mr. Lansing "for the purpose of studying conditions, political and economic, therein for the benefit of the American Commissioners plenipotentiary to negotiate peace." Mr. Philip Kerr and, presumably, Mr. Lloyd George knew and approved of this mission. Mr. Bullitt was instructed to return if possible by the time President Wilson should have come back to Paris from the United States. Potent international financial interests were at work in favour of the immediate recognition of the Bolshevists. Those influences had been largely responsible for the Anglo-American proposal in January to call Bolshevist representatives to Paris at the beginning of the Peace Conference - a proposal which had failed after having been transformed into a suggestion for a Conference with the Bolshevists at Prinkipo. The well-known American Jewish banker, Mr. Jacob Schiff, was known to be anxious to ensure recognition for the Bolshevists, among whom Jewish influence was predominant; and Tchitcherin, the Bolshevist Commissary for Foreign Affairs, had revealed the meaning of the January proposal by offering extensive commercial and economic concessions in return for recognition. At a moment when the Bolshevists were doing their utmost to spread revolution throughout Europe, and when the Allies were supposed to be making peace in the name of high moral principles, a policy of recognizing them, as the price of commercial concessions, would have sufficed to wreck the whole Peace Conference and Europe with it. At the end of March, Hungary was already Bolshevist; Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, and even Germany were in danger, and European feeling against the blood-stained lunatics of Russia ran extremely high.
{p. 302} Therefore, when it transpired that an American official, connected with the Peace Conference, had returned, after a week's visit to Moscow, with an optimistic report upon the state of Russia and with an authorized Russian proposal for the virtual recognition of the Bolshevist regime by April 10th, dismay was felt everywhere except by those who had been privy to the sending of Mr. Bullitt. Yet another complication, it was apprehended, would be added to the general muddle into which the Conference had got itself, and the chances of its succeeding at all would be seriously diminished.
On the afternoon of March 26th an American friend inadvertently gave me a notion that a revival of the Prinkipo proposal, in some form, was in the air. That evening I wrote to Northcliffe:
{quote} The Americans are again talking of recognizing the Russian Bolshevists. If they want to destroy the whole moral basis of the Peace and of the League of Nations they have only to do so. {endquote}
And, in the Paris Daily Mail of March 27th, I wrote strongly against any proposal to recognize
{quote} the desperadoes whose avowed aim is to turn upside down the whole basis of Western civilization. {endquote}
That day Colonel House asked me to call upon him. I found him worried both by my criticism of any recognition of the Bolshevists and by the certainty, which he had not previously realized, that if the President were to recognize the Bolshevists in return for commercial concessions his whole "idealism" would be hopelessly compromised as commercialism in disguise. I pointed out to him that not only would Wilson be utterly discredited but that the League of Nations would go by the board, because all the small peoples and many of the big peoples of Europe would be unable to resist the Bolshevism which Wilson would have accredited. I insisted that, unknown to him, the prime movers were Jacob Schiff, Warburg, and other international financiers, who wished above all to bolster up the Jewish Bolshevists in order to secure a field for German and Jewish exploitation of Russia.
{p. 303} Colonel House argued, however, that without relations of some kind with the Bolshevists it would be impossible to prevent the utter ruin of Russia and the starvation of thousands of the best Russians who were without food; and that, if supplies could be sent to Russia under proper control, the needy might be relieved and the Allied and Associated Governments might get trustworthy information of the true position in Russia. He asked me therefore to meet him and Auchincloss next morning to see if some sound line of policy could not be worked out. This I agreed to do; but, shortly after leaving Colonel House, information reached me that Mr. Lloyd George and President Wilson would probably agree next morning to recognize the Bolshevists in accordance with Mr. Bullitt's suggestions. Feeling that there was no time to lose I wrote, forthwith, a leading article for the Paris Daily Mail of March 28th, called "Peace with Honour." Its principal passage ran:
{quote} The issue is whether the Allied and Associated Governments shall, directly or indirectly, accredit an evil thing known as Bolshevism. Prospects of lucrative commercial enterprise in Russia, of economic concessions and of guarantees for debts, are held out to them if they will only fall down and worship Lenin and Trotsky.
There is one man to whom such temptation cannot appeal. His name is Woodrow Wilson. Since he led his country into war against German Imperialist militarism and all the forces of international finance and unmoral commercialism that supported it, he has done more than any Allied or Associated statesman to accredit sane idealism as a positive force in the life of nations. He has stood out as the champion of small peoples and of their rights. He threw the whole strength of the American people into the struggle in support of the ideals he formulated for the world, and he promised them a peace with honour and justice. Were he to bring them a peace with commercialism, belief in the sincerity of Anglo-Saxon idealism would die the world over.
Who are the tempters that would dare whisper into the ears of the Allied and Associated Governments? They are not far removed from the men who preached peace with profitable dishonour to the British people in July, l914. They are akin to, if not identical with, the men who sent Trotsky and some scores of associated desperadoes to ruin the Russian Revolution as a democratic, anti-German force in the spring of 1917. They are the spiritual
{p. 304} authors of the Prinkipo policy, and they it is who, in reality, inspired the offer of Tchitcherin, the Bolshevist Commisary for foreign affairs, to make economic and commercial concessions to the Allies in connection with the Prinkipo Conference. ...
That intrigue failed. It may be revived. Lenin, who is a sinister fanatic, would promise any price to secure the recognition he needs in order that his agents and helpers in Allied and Associated countries may be able to raise their heads and openly to encompass the ruin of ordered democratic civilization by claiming that what Allied and Associated Governments had sanctioned in Russia is lawful and laudable elsewhere. ...
The establishment of just conditions of peace will by itself help to counteract Bolshevism. But the essential thing is that the Allied and Associated Governments should keep their escutcheon clean and be utterly resolved to have no peace that is not a true peace with honour.
{endquote}
I had hardly sent this article to the printers when an American friend, Mr. Charles R. Crane, who had been dining with President Wilson, called to see me. He showed great alarm at the turn things were taking. "Bullitt is back," he said, "and the President is already talking Bullitt's language. I fear he may ruin everything. Our people at home will certainly not stand for the recognition of the Bolshevists at the bidding of Wall Street." He urged me to point out the danger clearly in the Daily Mail. I reassured him and told him that what I could say was already said and that he would find it in the Daily Mail next morning.
Before I was up next day, Colonel House telephoned to say that he wished to see me urgently. Apparently, to use an Americanism, my article "had got under the President's hide." When I reached the Crillon, House and Auchincloss looked grave. I told them that, had I waited to discuss policy with them before writing, my article, the chances were that there would have been no policy to discuss because the President and, possibly, Lloyd George would have committed themselves to recognition of the Bolshevists that very morning. The Colonel begged me, however, in view of the delicacy of the situation to refrain from further comment until it could be seen how things would go; and I consented, on the understanding that nothing irrevocable would be done unless
{p. 305} I were informed beforehand.
{end of quotes}
11. The Protocols of Zion and the Peace Conference of Versailles
E. J. Dillon, The Peace Conference, Hutchinson & Co., London, 1919:
{p. 10} Of all the collectivities whose interests were furthered at the Conference, the Jews had perhaps the most resourceful and certainly the most influential exponents. There were Jews from Palestine, from Poland, Russia, the Ukraine, Roumania, Greece, Britain, Holland and Belgium; but the largest and most brilliant contingent was sent by the United States.
{p. 422} This adverse vote on Mr. Wilson's pet scheme to have religious inequality proclaimed as a means of hindering sanguinary wars brought to its climax the reaction of the Conference against what it regarded as a systematic endeavour to establish the overlordship of the Anglo-Saxon peoples in the world. ... Most of them believed that a pretext was being sought to enable the leading Powers to intervene in the domestic concerns of all the other States ... other Delegates ... feared that a religious - some would call it racial - bias lay at the root of Mr. Wilson's policy. It may seem amazing to some readers, but it is none the less a fact that a considerable number of Delegates believed that the real influences behind the Anglo-Saxon peoples were Semitic.
They confronted the President's proposal on the subject of
{p. 423} religious inequality, and, in particular, the odd motive alleged for it, with the measures for the protection of minorities which he subsequently imposed on the lesser States, and which had for their keynote to satisfy the Jewish elements in Eastern Europe. And they concluded that the sequence of expedients framed and enforced in this direction were inspired by the Jews, assembled in Paris for the purpose of realizing their carefully thought-out programme, which they succeeded in having substantially executed. The formula into which this policy was thrown ... was this: "Henceforth the world will be governed by the Anglo-Saxon peoples, who, in turn, are swayed by their Jewish elements".
It is difficult to convey an adequate notion of the warmth of feeling - one might almost call it the heat of passion - which this supposed discovery generated. The applications of the theory to many of the puzzles of the past were countless and ingenious. The illustrations of the manner in which the policy was pursued, and the cajolery and threats which were said to have been employed in order to ensure its success, covered the whole history of the Conference, and presented it through a new and possibly distorted medium. The morbid suspicions aroused may have been the natural vein of men who had passed a great part of their lives in petty racial struggles; but according to common account, it was abundantly nurtured at the Conference by the lack of reserve and moderation displayed by some of the promoters of the minority clauses who were deficient in the sense of measure.
{end of quotes}
Dillon says that delegates noted that, at that very time, Communist revolutions were breaking out in Central and East European countries, led by Communist Jews for whom the religious Jews felt "disgust" (p. 69).
If the religious Jews distanced themselves from the Communist Jews, why did they defend the latter, instead of repudiating them, when governments cracked down on them? Why did religious Jews like financier Jacob Schiff want to bring down the Czar's government, on account of its pogroms against revolutionary Jews, if Schiff was repudiating those revolutionary Jews?
In his letters (Cyrus Alder, Jacob H Schiff: His Life and Letters, 1928), Schiff reveals an obsession with bringing down the Russian government. He admits to loaning money to Japan for the 1904-5 war, for a political purpose:
'I further said, that as a friend of Japan, who had rendered important services in financing her war loans, in order to enable her to defend herself and become victorious over Russia, "the enemy of mankind," ...' (vol I, p. 255).
He admits, "The claim that among the ranks of those who in Russia are seeking to undermine governmental authority there are a considerable number of Jews may be true" (vol II, p. 131), then goes on to blame and attack the Czar, rather than repudiate those revolutionary Jews.
Sigmund Freud and Wiliam C. Bullitt, Thomas Woodrow Wilson: A Psychological Study, Houghton Mifflin Company Boston 1967:
{p. 166} As a statesman, Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign Secretary, was House's ideal, and Wilson liked to handle the matters of the high-
{p. 167} est importance through secret communications between House and Grey. A passage in a letter from Sir Edward to the Colonel dated September 22, 1915, gave House an opportunity to move torward action. Grey wrote: "To me, the great object of securing the elimination of militarism and navalism is o get security for the future against aggressive war. How much are the United States prepared to do in this direction? Would the President propose that there should be a League of Nations binding themselves to side against any Power which broke a treaty; which broke certain rules of warfare on land or sea (such rules would, of course, have to be drawn up after this war); or which refused, in case of dispute, to adopt some other method of settlement than that of war?"
Thus for the first time, in a secret communication from the British Government to the American Government, appeared the words: League of Nations.
{p. 252} ... Admiral Grayson brought in Bernard M. Baruch, whose intimacy with the Wilsons had begun to increase as House's decreased.
{end of quotes}
William Bullitt, the co-author of this book with Freud, is the same Bullit mentioned by Steed, who recommended invitating the USSR to join the Peace Conference which was drafting, in effect, a covenant for World Government.
Either the push for World Government was British, or it was Jewish. Was the latter proceeding under the guise of the former? Steed saw that defacto recognition of the Bolsheviks, at the time that one government after another was falling to them, would destroy the "British" idea of World Government, and enthrone the Jewish one.
Many well-meaning socialists were deceived at the time, about the true nature of Bolshevism.
The Fabians were being influenced by Israel Zangwill, a Fabian and Jewish Zionist.
The Fabian Society issued a book International Government: Two Reports by L. S. Woolf Prepared for the Fabian Research Department With an Introduction by Bernard Shaw, London, George Allen & Unwin, 1923.
H. G. Wells, a major apologist for World Government at the Versailles Conference, was influenced by Zangwill, by Walter Lippman, and by David Lubin (all Jewish), and was an admirer of Trotsky: wells-lenin-league.html.
C. Howard-Ellis, The Origin Structure & Working of the League of Nations, George Allen & Unwin, London 1928:
{p. 5} To H. G. WELLS BERNARD SHAW, G. LOWES DICKINSON and BERNARD RUSSELL the Prophets of a New Age, this Book is dedicated, in the Hope that it may prove a Useful Monograph on the Obstetrics of the Womb of Time
{p. 85} It is an interesting fact that the proposals relating to technical co-operation can be traced directly to Mr Leonard Woolf's International Government, already quoted. This book is a striking analysis of what already existed before the war in the way of technical co-operation and a powerful argument against rooting the League as deeply as possible in this particular field of international relations. The book was read by a promninent member of the Foreign Office, who was concerned with preparing the British official draft, and led him to write a lengthy minute strongly urging the inclusion of these provisions in the draft, which was accordingly done. In addition to stating that "the High Contracting Parties place under the control of the League all international bureaux established by general treaties and now located elsewhere, if the parties to such treaties consent," the draft provides ...
{p. 89} Signor Orlando presented a hastily concocted Italian scheme and M. Leon Bourgeois a carefully thought-out and elaborate French draft, framed by an important French official committee, of which M. Bourgeois himself had been the chairman.
{end of quotes}
L. V. A. Bourgeois, proponent of World Government at Versailles, is mentioned in the Protocols of Zion.
From Marc Cohen at vvvvv93@yahoo.com:
{quote}
Hello all - I have made a new discovery concerning the "Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion" and the diaries of Theodor Herzl !!!
Protocol 16, point 8 ends with:
"The system of bridling thought is already at work in the so-called system of teaching by OBJECT LESSONS, the purpose of which is to turn the GOYIM into unthinking submissive brutes waiting for things to be presented before their eyes in order to form an idea of them .... In France, one of our best agents, Bourgeois, has already made public a new program of teaching by object lessons."
Now - please see "The Diaries of Thedor Herzl", pgs. 313 - 314:
"The Hague. June 13, [1899].
... In the evening I dined at Suttner's with Leon Bourgeois and others."
[The sentence that follows was CENSORED OUT of the first edition of these diaries - the 1922-1923, "Theodor Herzl's Tagebucher", published in 3 Volumes by the "Judischer Verlag", Berlin; it has been reproduced in the 1962 edition - Translated & Edited by Marvin Lowenthal; The Universal Library; Grosset & Dunlap, New York, 1962; Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 56-8112. O.K. , here's the censored sentence:]
"Bourgeois produced, if anything, an unpleasant impression. Posuer et phraseur sans distinction, a faithless radical with oversleek manners, a priestling of Free Thought."
The diary goes on to say that Suttner spoke to BOURGEOIS about Zionism, and the latter "liked the idea", and on pg. 314 Herzl and Bourgeois exchange a joke about not wanting to have their actions recorded for posterity.
On page 270, Bourgeois' name is dropped by Herzl in on 18 October, 1898, in an audience with the Kaiser. The sentence I have quoted - which is mocking of Bourgeois - is the only one censored from the 1922/1923 publication mentioning Bourgeois. The Bourgeois in question was, according to Lowenthal's "Biographical and Topical Notes" [pg. 447], a
"LEON VICTOR AUGUSTE BOURGEOIS (1851-1925) French statesman and author."
This is at the very least strong evidence that whomever wrote the PROTOCOLS was aware that Herzl/the Zionists were in cahootz with the same Bourgeois mentioned in Protocol 16:8. I have never seen mention of this fact before.
Spread the Word !
Marc Cohen VVVVV93@yahoo.com
{end quote}
For Protocols 16:8 see http://abbc.com/islam/english/toread/pr-zion.htm or protocol.html.
The following biographical information is from http://www.nobel.se/peace/laureates/1920/bourgeois-bio.html
{quote}
"Léon Victor Auguste Bourgeois (May 21, 1851-September 29, 1925), the «spiritual father» of the League of Nations, was a man of prodigious capabilities and diversified interests. A statesman, jurist, artist, and scholar, Léon Bourgeois, in the course of a long career, held almost every major office available in the French government of the Third Republic. ...
"As minister of public instruction in Freycinet's cabinet from 1890 to 1892 and again in 1898 under Brisson, Bourgeois instituted major reforms in the educational structure, reconstituting the universities by regrouping the faculties, reforming both the secondary and primary systems, and extending the availability of postgraduate instruction. When he gave up the education portfolio in 1892, he accepted that of the Ministry of Justice for two years. ...
"In January of 1918, heading an official commission of inquiry on the question of a League of Nations, he presented a draft for such an organization. President of a newly formed French Association for the League of Nations, he attended the 1919 international congress, convened in Paris, of various organizations interested in establishing a League, and in the same year served as the French representative on the League of Nations Commission chaired by Woodrow Wilson. He brought out another collection of his speeches at this time, Le Pacte de 1919 et la Société des Nations.
"The culmination of Bourgeois' career came in 1920 when he assumed the presidency of the French Senate, was unanimously elected the first president of the Council of the League of Nations, and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize."
{endquote}
Even so, in 1920, when the Red Army was invading Poland with a view to reaching Germany (wells-lenin-league.html), France sent help to Poland.
12. Douglas Reed on the ousting of Lord Northcliffe
12.1 The following information on Northcliffe is from the Spartacus site http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/FWWtimes.htm:
{quote} In 1898, Lord Northcliffe purchased the The Times for £320,000 was accepted. Circulation of the paper had fallen to 38,000 and was losing money. Northcliffe re-equipped its outdated printing plant, reduced the newspaper's price by a penny to twopence, and appointed a new editor, Geoffrey Dawson.
In March, 1914, Northcliffe reduced the price even further, and by the outbreak of the First World War, the one penny Times was selling 278,000 copies a day. During the early stages of the war Northcliffe created a great deal of controversy by advocating conscription and criticizing David Lloyd George and Lord Kitchener. This upset many readers and circulation of The Times began to fall again. Harmsworth stopped attacking the government and in 1918 was asked to take control of British war propaganda.
After a row with Northcliffe, Dawson resigned as editor of The Times in 1919. He was replaced by Henry Wickham Steed, the former foreign correspondent. When Lord Northcliffe, died in 1921, the newspaper passed into the hands of John Jacob Astor, the younger son of Lord Astor.
{endquote}
12.2 Douglas Reed, The Controversy of Zion, Veritas Publishing Company, PO Box 20, Bullsbrook, Western Australia 6084, 1985.
{p. 295} In 1919-1922 the censorship was ending and the newspapers naturally reverted, in the main, to the earlier practice of true reporting and impartial comment on the facts reported. This re-established the former check on governmental policies, and if it had continued would undoubtedly have thwarted the Zionist project, which could not be maintained if it were open to public scrutiny. Therefore the entire future for the Zionists, at this crucial moment when "the Mandate" still was not "ratified", turned on the suppression of adverse newspaper information and comment. At that very juncture an event occurred which produced that result. By reason of this great effect on the future, and by its own singular nature, the event (denoted in the heading to the present chapter) deserves relation in detail here.
At that stage in the affair England was of paramount importance to the conspirators (I have shown that Dr. Weizmann and Mr. House both used this word) and in England the energetic Lord Northcliffe was a powerful man. The former Alfred Harmsworth, bulky and wearing a dank Napoleonic forelock, owned the two most widely read daily newspapers, various other journals and periodicals, and in addition was majority proprietor of the most influential newspaper in the world, at that time, The Times of London. Thus he had direct access to millions of people each day and, despite his business acumen, he was by nature a great newspaper editor, courageous, combative and patriotic. He was sometimes right and sometimes wrong in the causes he launched or espoused, but he was independent and unpurchasable. He somewhat resembled Mr. Randolph Hearst and Colonel Robert McCormick in America, which is to say that he would do many things to increase the circulation of his newspapers, but only within the limits of national interest; he would not peddle blasphemy, obscenity, libel or sedition. He could not be cowed and was a force in the land.
Lord Northcliffe made himself the adversary of the conspiracy from Russia in two ways. In May 1920 he caused to be printed in The Times the article, previously mentioned, on the Protocols. It was headed, "The Jewish Peril, A Disturbing Pamphlet, Call for Enquiry". It concluded, 'An impartial investigation of these would-be documents and of their history is most desirable ... are we to dismiss the whole matter without inquiry and to let the influence of such a book as this work unchecked?"
Then in 1922 Lord Northcliffe visited Palestine, accompanied by a journalist, Mr. J.M.N. Jeffries (whose subsequent book, Palestine: The Reality, remains the classic work of reference for that period). This was a combination of a different sort from that forrned by the editors of The Times and Manchester Guardian, who wrote their leading articles about Palestine in England and in consultation with
{p. 296} the Zionist chieftain, Dr. Weizmann. Lord Northcliffe, on the spot, reached the same conclusion as all other impartial investigators, and wrote, "In my opinion we, without sufficient thought, guaranteed Palestine as a home for the Jews despite the fact that 700,000 Arab Moslems live there and own it ... The Jews seemed to be under the impression that all England was devoted to the one cause of Zionism, enthusiastic for it in fact; and I told them that this was not so and to be careful that they do not tire out our people by secret importation of arms to fight 700,000 Arabs ... There will be trouble in Palestine . . . people dare not tell the Jews the truth here. They have had some from me".
By stating this truth, Lord Northcliffe offended twice, he had already entered the forbidden room by demanding "inquiry" into the origins of the Protocols. Moreover, he was able to publish this truth in the mass-circulation newspapers owned by him, so that he became, to the conspirators, a dangerous man. He encountered one obstacle in the shape of Mr. Wickham Steed, who was editor of The Times and whose championship of Zionism Dr. Weizmann records.
In this contest Lord Northcliffe had an Achilles heel. He partlcularly wanted to get the truth about Palestine into The Times, but he was not sole proprietor of that paper, only chief proprietor. Thus his own newspapers published his series of articles about Palestine but The Times, in fact, refused to do so. Mr. Wickham Steed, though he had made such large proposals about the future of Palestine declmed to go there, and denied publicity to the anti-Zionist case.
These facts, and all that now follows, are related (again, with surprising candour) in the Official History of The Times (1952). It records that Mr. Wlckham Steed "evaded" visiting Palestine when Lord Northcliffe requested him to go there; it also records Mr. Wickham Steed's "inaction" following Lord Northcliffe's telegraphed wish "for a leading article attacking Balfour's attitude towards Zionism".
In what follows the reader's attention is particularly directed to dates.
In May 1920 Lord Northcliffe had caused publication of the article about the Protocols in The Times. Early in 1922 he visited Palestine and produced the series of articles above mentioned. On February 26, 1922 he left Palestine, after his request, which was ignored, to the editor of The Times. He was incensed against the incompliant editor and had a message, strongly critical of his editorial policy, read to an editorial conference which met on March 2, 1922. Lord Northcliffe wished that Mr. Wickham Steed should resign and was astonished that he remained after this open rebuke. The editor, instead of resigning, decided "to secure a lawyer's opinion on the degree of provocation necessary to constitute unlawful dismissal". For this purpose he consulted Lord Northcliffe's own special legal adviser (March 7, 1922), who informed Mr. Wickham Steed that Lord Northcliffe was "abnormal", "incapable of business" and, judging from his appearance, "unhkely to live long" and advised the editor to continue in his post! The editor then went to Pau, in France, to see Lord Northcliff, in his turn
{p. 297} decided that Lord Northcliffe was "abnormal" (March 31,1922), and informed a director of The Times that Lord Northcliffe was "going mad".
The suggestion of madness thus was put out by an editor whom Lord Northcliffe desired to remove and the impressions of others therefore are obviously relevant. On May 3, 1922 Lord Northcliffe attended a farewell luncheon in London for a retiring editor of one of his papers and "was in fine form". On May 11, 1922 he made "an excellent and effective speech" to the Empire Press Union and "most peopre who had thought him 'abnormal' believed they were mistaken". A few days later Lord Northcliffe telegraphed instructions to the Managing Director of The Times to arrange for the editor's resignation. This Managing Director saw nothing "abnormal" in such an instruction and was not "in the least anxious about Northcliffe's health". Another director, who then saw him, "considered him to have quite as good a life risk as his own": he "noticed nothing unusual in NorthclifJe's manner or appearance" (May 24, 1922).
On June 8, 1922 Lord Northcliffe, from Boulogne, asked Mr. Wickham Steed to meet him in Paris; they met there on June 11, 1922, and Lord Northcliffe told his visitor that he, Lord Northcliffe, would assume the editorship ot The Times. On June 12, 1922 the whole party left for Evian-les-Bains, a doctor being secreted on the train, as far as the Swiss frontier, by Mr. Wickham Steed. Arrived in Switzerland "a brllliant French nerve specialist" (unnamed) was summoned and in the evening certified Lord Northcliffe insane. On the strength of this Mr. Wickham Steed cabled instructions to The Times to disregard and not to publish anything received from Lord Northcliffe, and on June 13, 1922 he left, never to see Lord Northcliffe again. On June 18, 19l2 Lord Northcliffe returned to London and was in fact removed from all control of, and even communication with his undertakings (especially The Times; his telephone was cut). The manager had police posted at the door to prevent him entering the office of The Times if he were able to reach it. All this, according to the Official Hisory, was on the strength of certification in a foreign country (Switzerland) by an unnamed (French) doctor. On August 14, 1922 Lord Northcliffe died; the cause of death stated was ulcerative endocarditis, and his age was fifty-seven. He was buried, after a service at Westminster Abbey, amid a great array of mourning editors.
Such is the story as I have taken it from the official publication. None of this was known outside a small circle at the time; it only emerged in the Official History after three decades, and if it had all been published in 1922 would presumably have called forth many questions. I doubt if any comparable displacement of a powerful and wealthy man can be adduced, at any rate in such mysterious circumstances.
For the first time, I now appear in this narrative as a personal witness of events. In the 1914-1918 war I was one participant among uncomprehending millions. and only began to see its true shape long afterwards. In 1922 I was for an instant in, though not of the inner circle; looking back, I see myself closeted with Lord
{p. 298} Northcliffe (about to die) and quite ignorant of Zionism, Palestine, Protocols or any other matter in which he had raised his voice. My testimony may be of some interest; I cannot myself judge of its value.
I was in 1922 a young man fresh from the war who struggled to find a place in the world and had become a clerk in the office of The Times. I was summoned thence, in that first week of June when Lord Northcliffe was preparing to remove Mr. Wickham Steed and himself assume the editorship of The Times, to go as secretary to Lord Northcliffe who was at Boulogne. I was warned beforehand that he was an unusual man whose every bidding must be quickly done. Possibly for that reason, everything he did seemed to me to be simply the expression of his unusual nature. No suspicion of anything more ever came to me, a week before he was "certified" and, in effect, put in captivity.
I was completely ignorant of "abnormal" conditions, so that the expert might discount my testimony. Anyway, the behaviour I observed was just what I had been told to expect by those who had worked with him for many years. There was one exception to this. Lord Northcliffe was convinced that his life was in danger and several time said this; specifically, he said he had been poisoned. If this is in itself madness, then he was mad, but in that case many victims of poisoning have died of madness, not of what was fed to them. If by any chance it was true, he was not mad. I remember that I thought it feasible that such a man should have dangerous enemies, though at that time I had no inkling at all of any particular hostility he might have incurred. His belief certainly charged him with suspicion of those around him, but if by chance he had reason for it, then again it was not madness; if all this had transpired in the light of day such things could have been thrashed out.
I cannot judge, and can only record what I saw and thought at the time, as a young man who had no more idea of what went on around him than a babe knows the shape of the world. When I returned to London I was questioned about Lord Northcliffe by his brother, Lord Rothermere, and one of his chief associates, Sir George Sutton. The thought of madness must by that time have been in their minds (the "certification" had ensued) and therefore have underlain their questions, but not even then did any such suspicion occur to me, although I had been one of the last people to see him before he was certified and removed from control of his newspapers. I did not know of that when I saw them or for long afterwards. In such secrecy was all this done that, although I continued in the service of The Times for sixteen years, I only learned of the "madness" and "certification" thirty years later, from the Official History. By that time I was able to see what great consequences had flowed from an affair in which I was an uninitiated onlooker at the age of twenty-seven.
Lord Northcliffe therefore was out of circulation, and of the control of his newspapers, during the decisive period preceding the ratification of "the mandate" by the League of Nations, which clinched the Palestinean transaction
{p. 299} and bequeathed the effects of it to our present generaion. The opposition of a widely-read chain of journals at that period might have changed the whole course of events. After Lord Northcliffe died the possibility of editorials in The Times "attacking Balfour's attitude towards Zionism" faded. From that time the submission of the press, in the manner described by the Protocols, grew ever more apparent and in time reached the condition which prevails today, when faithful reporting and impartial comment on this question has long been in suspense.
Lord Northcliffe was removed from control of his newspapers and put under constraint on June 18, 1922; on July 24, 1922 the Council of the League of Nations met in London, secure from any possibility of loud public protest by Lord Northcliffe, to bestow on Britain a "mandate" to remain in Palestine and by arms to instal the Zionists there (I describe what events have shown to be the fact; the matter was not so depicted to the public, of course).
{end of quotes}
13. More on the Ousting of Lord Northcliffe from The Times of London
Lord Northcliffe returned in February 1922 from a world trip. He had kept a diary, which was published in 1923 as My Journey Round the World; extracts are included below.
An opponent of Zionism, he recorded in that book:
"{p. 275} There will be trouble in Palestine. ... {p. 276} ... I see trouble, much trouble between 70,000 Jews and 700,000 Canaanites and Christians. ... {p. 277} People daren't tell the Jews the truth here. They've had some from me. I didn't come uninvited. The size of our Army here is not known to people at home. Why is the Army necessary? Because of the Moslem-Christian versus Jew feeling."
Quite rational objections, but at odds with the Zionist policy of the Government (administered in Palestine by Allenby) and of his own editor at The Times, Henry Wickham Steed.
13.1 The History of The Times, Volume 4
The History of The Times,
Volume 4, The 150th Anniversary and Beyond : 1912-1948;
Part II: 1921-1948
Written by Stanley Morison;
publisher: London : The Times, 1952.
AMICUS# 2476782
{p. 504} XV AFTER NORTHCLIFFE'S WORLD TOUR
For the creator of the most powerful single engine of publicity ever known, and for the architect of the most spectacular political career in modern history, 1922 was a year of fate. Northcliffe and Lloyd George, parties to one of the most significant of all wartime alliances which had become one of the bitterest peacetime antagonisms, never met after the Armistice. ...
Northcliffe always felt braced by the first of January. The present was no exception. The combination of a new year and his being nearer home gave him immense
{p. 505} vitality. Landing at Colombo, the Chief was quickly on the mainland investigating, challenging, arguing with all in reach, and planning or deciding for the future. ... He was at Beirut on February 11, Port Said on the 13th, He arrived at Marseilles on the 18th. ...
The Editor, having in mind the events of the previous spring, suspected that a coup of some sort was being engineered. The suspicion was presently seen to be well-founded. In February Lord Rothermore, who had been campaigning against Lord Allenby in the columns of the Sunday Pictorial, sent The Times a fierce denunciation of Lord Allenby's policy. It was designed to occupy a whole page adverstisement in the paper, and was dramatically opposed to the current policy of The Times, but
{p. 506} since it was offered as an advertisement was not necessarily subject to the editorial pencil. The Editor believed that the Middle East would erroneously interpret The Times as having expressed an editorial view, and not as having merely published an advertisement. In Palestine the imputation to the paper of a statement that Allenby had been discredited would be serious. Either the wording of the advertisement must be altered, or it could not appear. Rothermore, told of the Editor's decision, at once complained to his brother. Northcliffe took the matter seriously. Had not the Editor evaded visiting Palestine at his personal insistence? Had he not already had reason to complain of Steed's inaction following his telegraphed wish for a leading article attacking Balfour's attitude towards Zionism? This was the sort of independence The Times people always thought they could claim with impunity, and he was not going to put up with it any longer. The Editor was always making him look foolish. He must act.
The Editor, the man who had travelled with him to washington little more than six months ago, was now to be discredited before his own staff.
{p. 509} Now Northcliffe's attitude towards the Editor was equivocal. He had, to all appearances, said and done nothing more to secure Steed's resignation.
{p. 520} The agreement of January 1, 1913, was thus endorsed on June 15:
{quote} I the within named John Walter acknowledge that the within named Viscount Northcliffe has purchased from me the whole of my 215,000 ordinary shares in the within named Times
{p. 521} Publishing Co., Ltd. ... {end quote}
Walter had sold his shares and in doing so, had necessarily sacrificed his option. It was a catastrophic act.
{the last sentence indicates a pro-Steed, anti-Northcliffe, bias}
{p. 547} It was impossible to say the same of Northcliffe's condition, or of Steed's editorship. The Editor had known for weeks that Northcliffe's critical condition was not only of the physical order. He knew that his tenure of the editorial chair was subject to a moment's notice. He knew on June 9 of Walter's sale of shares and surrender of the option. He had been summoned to Paris to meet Northcliffe on June 11.
{p. 551} Meanwhile there was infinite consternation at Printing House Square and Carmelite House. At midnight on June 12 Hubert Walter called on Ralph and informed him that he had heard indirectly from Paris that Northcliffe was insane and there was a queer story about a revolver. At last it seemed pretty clueer to both Hubert and Ralph Walter that Steed had not been as far wrong on the point of insanity, and that the sale must not go through. Ralph and Hubert Walter breakfasted together on Tuesday, the 13th, and telephoned his bankers, telling them not to hand over the share certificates without further instruction. ... The Deputy Editor had with him the Editor of the Literary Supplement. The latter suggested that in the event of Northcliffe's death some suitable person should purchase the property and control the paper. ...
{Note that the above actions were taken on the basis of an "indirect" message from Paris, from an un-named source; further, that French authorities had no jurisfiction in Britain}
Walter decided that no step could be taken until the crucial question of Northcliffe's state of mind was definitely settled. There was
{p. 552} still no proof that Northcliffe's mind was unhinged or his health beyond repair. That, too, was Sutton's opinion. ...
On Wednesday morning Steed and Sutton arrived in Paris and met Lints Smith with whom they went on to London, after Steed had used his influence with the French Government to save Northcliffe from action by the local authorities of Savoy against a person certified, as Northcliffe had then been {no evidence of this is provided in this book}. The Editor's instructions to London had already been acted upon. The directors of the Daily Mail had met and decided that nothing was to be published over the name of Northcliffe unless by the written authority of George Sutton. A statement about Northcliffe's health was published in the Daily Mail on Wednesday, June 14.
{Why deprive Northcliffe of the opportunity to publish his own version of events, in his own paper? If he was insane as claimed, this would then have been apparent to all. Is this not, rather, a dirty tactic in a political fight?}
{p. 553} Five minutes later Northcliffe rang Steed at home. He began by
{p. 554} cursing him for having broken faith with him; he had not gone back to Evian, not had he awaited him in Paris; he had not even gone to Victoria to meet him. Steed was no longer Editor. Northcliffe would send the police to turn him out of the office if he ever dared go back to Printing House Square. Steed's answer was that there was one thing and one thing only that Northcliffe had to do and that was to keep quiet and get well; and that "Until you do get well I will continue to look after things at this office." ... He possessed ... four telephone lines. He now used them one after the other to tell members of the staff of The Times and the Daily Mail that they were sacked. ... On Monday, June 19, three of his telephone lines were cut, but he continued to use the fourth.
John Walter, with or without scares, with or without option, was not powerless. He was still chairman. The medical report that Northcliffe's health was "entirely recoverable" but that it "will take many months," was made on the 17th when Walters received notice of a meeting of the Directors called for Monday afternoon the 19th, for the passing of the transfer.
{p. 555} After 3.50 pm on June 20 Northcliffe's medical advisers cut off his last telephone.
{this seems a strange action for medical advisers: depriving him of outside communication is a political act; and he was still Proprietor}
{p. 565} The climax came on the morning of August 14, when the following notice was issued:
VISCOUNT NORTHCLIFFE DIED AT TWELVE MINUTES PAST TEN THIS MORNING.
THE END WAS PERFECTLY PEACEFUL.
P. SEYMOUR-PRICE
HERBERT FRENCH
The Chief was fifty-seven years mand one month old when he died from ulcerative endocarditis.
{end quotes}
Northcliffe died less than six months after returning from a trip around the world.
13.2 Alfred Viscount Northcliffe, My Journey Round the World
My Journey Round the World (16 July 1921 - 26 Feb. 1922), By ALFRED VISCOUNT NORTHCLIFFE, Edited by CECIL & ST. JOHN HARMSWORTH, London, John Lane The Bodley Head Ltd., 1923.
{p. vii.} INTRODUCTION
This is the Diary of Lord Northeliffe, kept by him during his journey round the world in 1921-1922.
{p. viii.} A sad truth revealed in the Diary is that the long holiday - perilously overdue - in quest of health and recuperation for a mind and bocly exhausted by the labours of many years, developed from the first on lines that were calculated to defeat rather than to promote, the all-important object in view. The holiday became an arduous tour of eploration into the problems
{p. ix} of the Emplire, and there is no doubt that Lord Northcliffe arrived home in February of last year less fit to resist the ravages of a scrious illness than when he set out on his travels, with so much happy confidence, in July, 1921. ...
Lord Northcliffe's companions at different stages of the world tour were -
HARRY GARLAND MILNER, his brother-in-law.
WICKHAM STEED, then Editor of The Times ...
{Note: Northcliffe's diary, written only months before he was accused of insanity, seems full of not "tiredness" but relish for involvement in political issues. Further, The History of The Times, Volume 4, Part II: 1921-1948 (above), records:
"{p. 504} Northcliffe always felt braced by the first of January.
The present was no exception. The combination of a new year and his being
nearer home gave him immense {p. 505} vitality."
Vitality, not exhaustion; now for Northcliffe's diary, written in 1922,
but published in 1923, after his death}
{p. 270} Sunday, February 5th, 1922.
Cairo.
A brilliant Egyptian morning at seven o'clock, bracing, lovely sunshine. The gum trees outside are from Australia, and for one brief moment I thought I was out in tropical Qucensland again; not that I want to be there, for we've had enough of wet clothes and topees to last us for some time, and long for a fog or drizzle. ...
Monday, February 6th, 1922.
Gaza- Ludd- Jerusalem.
In train, Gaza, Palestine,
I had my first peep - after thirty years at the Holy Land at 6.15 a.m. - very green, with Bible figures moving in the dawn. I don't suppose anyone except a stone image can enter the country of Christ without deep emotion. I, for one of millions, cannot.
The private car provided for us was excellent. I had Graves, the Correspondent of The Times, with me.
At Gaza, which is smashed to pieces by the great battle, came the first Arab deputation to see me. For days, even as far back as when we were in Ceylon, we've been receiving telegrams from Arabs, Jews, Christians, asking that the "King of the Press" - and the rest of the Oriental Flub Dub (American) - should hear the grievances which are, briefly, that (in my opinion) we, without sufficient thought, guaranteed Palestine as a home for the Jews despite the fact that 700,000 Arab Moslems live there and on it. Arabs and Christians have now joined up against the Jews. There is hatred and there has been bloodshed.
At Ludd came another deputation. There was to have been a demonstration of some thousands, but it had been wisely stopped. Demonstrators in these countries always carry sticks, and trouble is sure. Churchill had some last year. The deputation alleged that all the Government offices were in the hands of the Jews, which I proved to be untrue. Both sides are Oriental liars.
At Ludd we were met by bundles of telegrams, an armoured car escort (why?), Sunbeam cars, and an aeroplane overhead.
{p. 271} On to Jerusalem, motoring through the Bible hills, mostly stony ("some fell on stony ground"), or reddish with scarlet anemones, and plenty of cyclamen in clumps under overhanging rocks. Road winding, mountainous, and surface good. Cold, cold, cold - - and sleet in the high hills. Dovn in the valleys are orange groves smothered in fruit and almond blossom by the mile. Arabs and donkeys and camels; Fords packed with queer-looking Jews, the males, old and young, with hanging side-locks. After the tropics the cold, which is really a bracing March at home, is such that I am frozen through and through.
You begin to be in Jerusalem before you know it, very suddenly round a corner, and in a minute there is before you the City set on a hill, like many another Oriental grey stone city. Seventy-five thousand people in it - and some mighty queer ones. ...
My host, Sir Herbert Samuel, who occupies one of the thorniest Governmental seats I've struck yet, was ill ...
I was in for a big luncheon palty at once, and then went off to a Jewish "Colony," an hour-and-a-quarter's journey by fast motor.
I am picking up views all the time. British officials, with few exceptions, don't like working under and witll Jews, though every one says that Samuel is as fair as he is courageous; and it requires courage to hold a very poor job like this when you might be a snug Cabinet Minister at home, which, at the age of forty or less, he was.
After a long and exhilarating spin through the cold spring sunshine, we come to where we take to ords and go over primeval American-like roads such as British motolists have never seen, to a long hamlet where we are led off by the Mayor, a long-established Russian Jew. There are speeches in Frenchand I have to give my reply in French. It has to be translatcd into Hebrew
{p. 272} and Yiddish for the rest of the crowd. Hebrew is being revived by the Jews, just as Irish is by the Irish. They seemed to be under the impression that all England was devoted to the one cause of Zionism, enthusiastic for it, in fact; and I told them that that wasn't so, and to be careful that they didn't tire out our people by any more secret importation of arms to fight 700,000 Arabs.
We went to the offices of the "Colony," which makes excellent wine of many kinds. Forty years ago these Jews, financed by the French Rothschilds, came here to a series of sand dunes and made this fine vineyard and settlement. ...
To-day I went to the Mosque of Omar {Dome of the Rock} and the Holy Sepulchre, the place where Christ's body lay, and I believe that it did lie there. It is the most holy place, the holy of holies in the Christian world. The Mosque of Omar where the wily Moslems had gathered their big men, muftis and others, to meet me, is the third most holy place of the 250,000,000 Moslems, now educating and organizing, which form so strange a force. ...
I have busy times here in Jemsalem where, en passant, more institutions, such as missions and hospitals, are kept up, by every nation, than anywhere else in the world. In many ways the town must be a town of cosmopolitan parasites; doctors, nurses, and the rest, including Jewish remittance men from many lands.
{p. 273} Wednesday, February 8th, 1922.
Jemsalem.
Most of the morning was spent in receiving Arabs, Christians, Zionists, and Orthodox Jews. All tried hard to get me to express an opinion on their cause. I declined, except to express the belief that the immigration of new Jews, unused to liberty and plenty, should be done with great care. All lie profusely; the Moslems outrageously, the Zionists artistically. The Orthodox Jews seem bitterest of all. I have now seen and questioned over two hundred of the various disputants. I am to see some of the newest Jewish arrivals on Thursday on my way to the sea. ...
After lunch, I went again with Storrs to see the Pool of Bethesda and the Jews' wailing-place, and to walk through the busy, narrow, often over-arched streets. Pekin, Fez, Cairo, Canton the back streets of any Eastern town, are all much of a muchness. Here were squatting Jews, selling carpets or oranges, or turning sewing machines. The spectacle of the Jews' wailing-place, where men and women poke their faces into cracks in the city wall and pray, is a queer one. They stand up, of course.
Government House has behaved very generously in providing me with accommodation to see deputations. Only one yesterday was in their favour. The Government is fair, enthusiastic, and ignorant of immigration.
Graves, The Times Near East Correspondent, is my secretary and correspondent pro tem.
{p. 274} Another huge dinner-party. I heard spoken around me, by the strangely assorted Bishops and Patriarchs, Greek, Armenian, Turkish (by my Christian neighbour married to a Moslem), Asiatic French, and English. Hebrew is also spoken.
The methods of Zionism arouse antagonism. Can Jews rule? ...
Yesterday a day of motoring from the shimmering sunshine, cold and crisp, of the Mount of Olives, through Jerusalem, which white cupolaed city with its great walls stands four square, though it is beginning to straggle into new suburbs. ...
I haven't time to deal with Palestine as the great battlefield of the Religions, which it has always been since Crusaders' times, and is to-day. ...
{p. 275} The valley of the Jordan is almost tropica; bananas grow there well. ...
There was a swarm of sheikhs and their followers waiting to be introduced to me - Beduins - "Beddoes," as the British officers called them. It was an interesting and primitive picture. Near by, across the hills, is the Arabian desert and then Mesopotamia. I wish I could have gone there, but the Egypt will be at Port Said on the 12th for Marseilles, and I must catch her.
We said good-bye to these wild men, all of them, through the Amir, in British pay, and made the long ride back to Jerusalem. It really did look like Jerusalem the Golden in the sunlight.
I made two calls, one American, one Moslem, and heard the usual tale of the fear of the Jews and the Zionist Council.
Early to bed, thank goodness.
There will be trouble in Palestine.
{p. 276} Friday, February 10th, 1922.
Beirut, Syria.
WAS a long day yesterday. We rose at six o'clock and werc on the road from Jerusalem to the seaside town of Haifa by 7.30. ...
I looked back at grey Jerusalem, the most faction-ridden city in the world ... At Jerusalem a film was taken of my departure, amidst the proffering to me of a gift which I couldn't refuse - a jewelled Old Testament in Hebrew, from the Jews.
If only all the Jews were sane and moderate like Ben Avi, editor of the Hebrew Daily Mail here, I should feel less anxious about Palestine. As it is, despite the protestations of Government officials, I see trouble, much trouble between 70,000 Jews and 700,000 Canaanites and Christians.
We stopped at two "Colonies," where young Lithuanian and Galician Jews were very slackly at work on road-making. Fine young fellows, many. We entered the eating tent and huts of
{p. 277} some of them. They are rude people. If you make them stand up, which they don't otherwise, they go on eating in your face, with their hats on the backs of their heads, and put their hahds in their pockets. The Dyaks of Borneo are better behaved. If they do that to us, whose coming they have awaited for hours, what do they do to the natives? I spoke my mind to their leader, much to the pleasure of British officers with me. People daren't tell the Jews the truth here. They've had some from me. I didn't come uninvited.
The size of our Army here is not known to people at home. Why is the Army necessary? Because of the Moslem-Christian versus Jew feeling.
Our Palestine developments, roads, railways, and the rest have been not a little the fruit of our Sudan Egyptian Civil Services, all represented here. This is a nev country superimposed on an old - even more difficult, perhaps, than colonising, say, Australia though that task is full of "snags."
{end of quotes}
13.3 Carroll Quigley discloses more information about the eviction of Lord Northcliffe from The Times in his book The Anglo-American Establishment.
The war against the Arabs and Islam is run by two conspiracies, an Anglo-American one (the whale, because it controls the oceans), and a Zionist one (the elephant, the one you can't see in the china shop until you join up the dots).
Some people can't see the whale; some can't see the elephant. Chomsky and the Trotskyist Left see the whale but not the elephant.
The Balfour Declaration marked the joining-up of two conspiracies, the British one (now Anglo-American) and the Zionist one: balfour.html.
The British one had wanted to get the US back into the Empire, even if that meant transferring the capital to the US. In the end, they were only able to do that with the assistance of Jewish middlemen.
Before the Balfour Declaration, the two conspiracies were working against each other. It was in the Zionist interest to keep the protagionists in World War I as evenly balanced as possible, i.e. keep the US out of the war, until the fall of the Tsar, their hated enemy. Then they auctioned their support to the protagonists.
Suppose that the U.S. had entered the war earlier, and mobilized its troops and sent them to the front. Then Britain would not have made the Balfour Declaration, as "a contract with World Jewry", whereby Zionists got Palestine in return for getting the U.S. into the war - because the U.S. would already have titled the balance.
The catch was this: the Zionist one knew about the Anglo one, because Cecil Rhodes had invited Lord Rothschild to join it; but the Anglos did not know about the Zionist one.
Quigley is unaware of the Zionist conspiracy, but is very revealing of the Anglo one. The following material begins with the role of Lord Esher (Reginald Baliol Brett, also known as Viscount Esher) at The Times. Lord Northcliffe's name by birth was Alfred Harmsworth.
Carroll Quigley, The Anglo-American Establishment: From Rhodes to Cliveden, Books In Focus, New York 1981
{p. 42} Esher's reasons for refusing these positions were twofold: he wanted to work behind the scenes rather than in the public view, and his work in secret was so important and so influential that any public post would have meant a reduction in his power. ... This opportunity for influencing decisions at the center came from his relationship to the monarchy. For at least twenty-five years (from 1895 to after 1920) Esher was probably the most important adviser on political matters to Queen Victoria, King Edward VII, and King George V. ... in 1908, when a purchaser known only as "X" acquired control of The Times, Esher visited Lord Northcliffe on behalf of "a very high quarter" to seek assurance that the policy of the paper would not be changed. Northcliffe, who was 'X," hastened to give the necessary assurances, according to the official History of The Times. Northcliffe and the historian of The Times regarded Esher on this occasion as the emissary
{p. 43} of King Edward, but we, who know of his relationship with the Rhodes secret society, are justified in asking if he were not equally the agent of the Milner Group, since it was as vital to the Group as to the King that the policy of The Times remain unchanged. As we shall see in a later chapter, when Northcliffe did adopt a policy contrary to that of the Group, in the period 1917-1919, the Group broke with him personally and within three years bought his controlling interest in the paper. ...
{p. 101} Accordingly, the real efforts of the Milner Group
{p. 102} were redirected into more fruitful and anonymous activities such as The Times and The Round Table.
The Milner Group did not own The Times before 1922, but clearly controlled it as far back as 1912. Even before this last date members of the innermost circle of the Milner Group were swarming abot the great newspaper. In fact, it would appear that The Times had been controlled by the Cecil Bloc since 1884 and was taken over by the Milner Group in the same way in which All Souls was taken over, quietly and without a strggle. The midwife of this process apparently was George E. Buckle (1854-1935), graduate of New College in 1876, member of All Souls since 1877, and editor of The Times from 1884 to 1912. The chief members of the Milner Group who were associated with The Times have alrady been mentioned. Amery was connected with the paper from 1899 to 1909. During this period he edited and largely wrote the Times History of the South African War. Lord Esher was offered a directorship in 1908. Grigg was a staff writer in 1903-1905, and head of the Imperial Department in 1908-1913. B. K. Long was head of the Daminion Department in 1913-1921 and of the Foreign Department in 1920-1921. Monypenny was assistant editor both before and after the Boer War (1894-1899, 1903-1908) and on the board of directors after the paper was incorporated (1908-1912). Dason was the paper's chief correspondent in South Africa in the Selborne period (1905-1910), while Basil Williams was the reporter covering the National Convention there (1908-1909). When it became clear in 1911 that Buckle must soon retire, Dawson was brought into the office in a rather vague capacity and, a year later, was made editor. The appointment was suggested and urged by Buckle. Dawson held the position from 1912 to 1941, except for the three years 1919-1922. This interval is of some significance, for it revealed to the Milner Group that they could not continue to control The Times without ownership. The Cecil Bloc had controlled The Times from 1884 to 1912 without ownership and the Milner Group had done the same in the period 1912-1919, but, in this last year, Dawson quarreled with Lord Northcliffe (who was chief proprietor from 1908-1922) and left the editor's chair. As soon as the Milner Group, through the Astors, acquired the chief proprietorship of the paper in 1922, Dawson was restored to his post and held it for the next twenty years. Undoubtedly the skillful stroke which aquired the ownership of The Times from the Harmsorth {Northcliffe} estate in 1922 was engineered by Brand. During the interval of three years during which Dawson was not editor, Northcliffe entrusted the position to one of The Times's famous foreign correspondents H. W. Steed.
{end quotes}
More from Carroll Quigley on The Anglo-American Establishment: quigley.html.
14. Lloyd George explains why Britain made "a contract with Jewry"
David Lloyd George, Memoirs of the Peace Conference, Volume II, New Haven, Yale University Press 1939; (ch. XXIII).
{p. 722} The next factor which produced a momentous change was the decision to come to terms with Jewry, which was clamouring for an opportunity to make Canaan once more the homeland of their race. There are more Irishmen living outside Ireland than dwell in the old country. Still, Ireland is the homeland of the Irish people. No one imagined that the 14,000,000 of Jews scattered over the globe could find room and a living in Palestine. Nevertheless this race of wanderers sought a national hearth and a refuge for the hunted children of Israel in the country which the splendour of their spiritual genius has made forever glorious.
It seems strange to say that the Germans were the first to realise the war value of the Jews of the dispersal. In Poland it was they who helped the German Army to conquer the Czarist oppressor who had so cruelly persecuted their race. They had their influence in other lands - notably in America, where some of their most powerful leaders exerted a retarding influence on President Wilson's impulses in the direction of the Allies. {before the Balfour Declaration} The German General Staff in 1916 urged the Turks to concede the demands of the Zionists in respect of Palestine. Fortunately the Turk was too stupid to understand or too sluggish to move. The fact that Britain at last opened her eyes to the opportunity afforded to the Allies to rally this powerful people to their side was attributable to the initiative, the assiduity and the fervour of one of the greatest Hebrews of all time: Dr. Chaim Weizmann. He found his opportunity in this War of Nations to advance the cause to which he had consecrated his life. ...
{p. 723} Propaganda on both sides probably played a greater part in the last war than in any other. As an illustration I might take the public declarations we made of the Allied intention to liberate and confer self-government on nationalities inside the enemy Empires, - Turkey, Germany, and Austria. These announcements were intended to have a propagandist effect, not only at home, but also in neutral countries and perhaps most of all in enemy countries. ...
{p. 724} The Balfour Declaration represented the convinced policy of all parties in our country and also in America, but the launching of it in 1917 was due, as I have said, to propagandist reasons. I should like once more to remind the British public, who may be hesitating about the burdens of our Zionist Declaration to-day, of the actual war position at the time of that Declaration. We are now looking at the War through the dazzling glow of a triumphant end, but in 1917 the issue of the War was still very much in doubt. We were convinced - but not all of us - that we would pull through victoriously, but the Germans were equally persuaded that victory would rest on their banners, and they had much reason for coming to that conclusion. They had smashed the Roumanians. The Russian Army was completely demoralised by its numerous defeats. The French Army was exhausted and temporarily unequal to striking a great blow. The Italians had sustained a shattering defeat at Caporetto. The unlimited submarine campaign had sunk millions of tons of our shipping. There were no American divisions at the front, and when I say at the front, I mean available in the trenches. For the Allies there were two paramount problems at that time. The first was that the Central Powers should be broken by the blockade before our supplies of food and essential raw material were cut off by sinkings of our own ships. The other was that the war preparations in the United States should be speeded up to such an extent as to enable the Allies to be adequately reinforced in the critical campaign of 1918 by American troops. In the solution of these two problems, public opinion in Russia and America played a great part, and we had every reason at that time to believe that in both countries the friendliness or hostility of the Jewish race might make a considerable difference. ...
{p. 725} The support of the Zionists for the cause of the Entente would mean a great deal as a war measure. Quite naturally Jewish sympathies were to a great extent anti-Russian, and therefore in favour of the Central Powers. No ally of Russia, in fact, could escape sharing that immediate and inevitable penalty for the long and savage Russian persecution of the Jewish race. In addition to this, the German General Staff, with their wide outlook on possibilities, urged, early in 1916, the advantages of promising Jewish restoration to Palestine under an arrangement
{p. 726} to be made between Zionists and Turkey, backed by a German guarantee. The practical difficulties were considerable; the subject was perhaps dangerous to German relations with Turkey; and the German Government acted cautiously. But the scheme was by no means rejected or even shelved, and at any moment the Allies might have been forestalled in offering this supreme bid. In fact in September, 1917, the German Government were making very serious efforts to capture the Zionist Movement.
Another most cogent reason for the adoption by the Allies of the policy of the declaration lay in the state of Russia herself. Russian Jews had been secretly active on behalf of the Central Powers from the first; they had become the chief agents of German pacifist propaganda in Russia; by 1917 they had done much in preparing for that general disintegration of Russian society, later recognised as the Revolution. It was believed that if Great Britain declared for the fulfilment of Zionist aspirations in Palestine under her own pledge, one effect would be to bring Russian Jewry to the cause of the Entente.
It was believed, also, that such a declaration would have a potent influence upon world Jewry outside Russia, and secure for the Entente the aid of Jewish financial interests. In America, their aid in this respect would have a special value when the Allies had almost exhausted the gold and marketable securities available for American purchases. Such were the chief considerations which, in 1917, impelled the British Government towards making a contract with Jewry.
Men like Mr. Balfour, Lord Milner, Lord Robert Cecil, and myself were in whole-hearted sympathy with the Zionist ideal. The same thing applied to all the leaders of public opinion in our country and in the Dominions, Conservative, Liberal, and Labour. There were only one or two who were not so favourably inclined to the policy.
{end of quotes}
More at l-george.html.
Robert John on Behind the Balfour Declaration: balfour.html.
Benjamin Freedman's speech The Hidden Tyranny: freedman.html.
15. Marranism and Universalism
(Marranism is the hiding of Jewish identity)
The Jerusalem Post of Tuesday, January 12, 1999 reported:
{quote} Balfour Declaration's author was a secret Jew
By DOUGLAS DAVIS
http://www.jpost.com/com/Archive/12.Jan.1999/News/Article-9.html
LONDON (January 12) - Leopold Amery, the author of the Balfour Declaration - the 1917 document from British foreign secretary Arthur Balfour to Lord Rothschild which laid the groundwork for the establishment of the State of Israel - was a secret Jew.
This has been disclosed in just-published research by William Rubinstein, professor of modern history at the University of Wales, who says Amery hid his Jewish background.
{endquote}
Amery, co-author of the Balfour Declaration, was a senior figure in the British Establishment. He was in the "Milner Group", set up by Cecil Rhodes as a brains trust to formulate policy for the Empire: quigley.html.
Robert J. Scally, The Origins of the Lloyd George Coalition, Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1975:
{p. 75} ... the Webbs and Leo S. Amery, a Milner disciple, a former Fabian, and the Times' military correspondent in South Africa, conceived the idea of forming the "Coefficients Club" in November of 1902.
{p. 78} The criteria applied by Amery and the Webbs in choosing the personnel of the "Brains Trust" arose directly out of these goals.
{p. 79} ... it seems possible that the club was originally imagined as the "Brains Trust" of Rosebery's National Efficiency program. ...
Thus the twelve original Coefficients constituted a kind of non-party Shadow Cabinet of experts, roughly paralleling the general structure of departmental functions as follows: Sidney and Beatrice Webb (Local Government and Labor); L. S. Amery (Army); Sir Edward Grey (Foreign Policy); R. B. Haldane (Law); Sir Clinton Dawkins (Finance); W. A. S. Hewins (Economy); Bertrand Russell (Science); W. Pember Reeves (Colonies); Commander Carlyon Bellairs (Navy); Halford J. Mackinder (Empire); Leo Maxse (Press); and H. G. Wells (a kind of Cultural Minister without Portfolio).
{p. 84} The Coefficients were not, like the Webbs' past proteges, fresh graduates who might one day sit on royal commissions, but politicians, economists, and intellectuals, most of whom had already gained some foothold in one of the corridors of power.
Together with Russell, H. G. Wells was somewhat out of tune with the dominant mood of the club. ... He apparently took up the Coefficients idea as a possible foundation for one of his most cherished oriental fantasies ... He proposed the remodeling of the Fabian Society into what he called an "Order of the Samurai" which should "embody for mankind a sense of the State." That eccentric project would appear again in various guises in Wells' later works, but in the back of his mind at this moment was the wish to create a "constructive social stratum" which would become the new directive element of the empire ...
In The New Machiavelli, a pseudonymous autobiography in which the Coefficients appear as the "Pentagram Circle," he recorded their enthusiasm on the subject in language closer to their own:
{quote} The more complicated and technical affairs become, the less confidence will the elected official have in himself. We want to suggest that these expert officials must necessarily develop into a new class
{p. 85} and a very powerful class in the community. We want to organise that. It may be the power of the future. They will necessarily have to have very much of a common training. We consider ourselves as amateur unpaid precursors of such a class. ... {footnote 26: Wells, The New Macchiavelli, London, 1911, p. 317}
{Djilas later applied Wells' term new class to the nomenklatura of the USSR; but it applies equally to the rationalists running the West}
Wells' penchant for amplifying language does not obscure the harmony of sentiment behind the "Samurai" idea and the Webbs' recently refined "missionary" role of the expert.
{p. 226} Lloyd George had himself read Wells' book in February, possibly on Garvin's high recommendation, and seems to have been greatly impressed. "He is the only writer whose opinions on politics interest me in the least," he confessed to a close friend.
{end quotes}
In was in such an eminent group of universalist-minded "Leftists" that Amery, a Fabian and secret Zionist, performed as a back-seat driver. Israel Zangwill, Jewish Zionist, and advocate that the League of Nations should be a World Government, was another influential Fabian, and influenced Wells' formulation of his ideas: wells-lenin-league.html.
Wells "universalism" amounted to Marxism, despite his attempt to disguise it. His prescription for Marriage and the Family shows Trotskyist pedigree:
"Socialism, if it is anything more than a petty tinkering with economic relationships is a renucleation of society. The family can remain only as a biological fact. Its economic and educational autonomy are inevitably doomed. The modern state is bound to be the ultimate guardian of all children and it must assist, place, or subordinate the parent as supporter, guardian and educator; it must release all human beings from the obligation of mutual proprietorship, and it must refuse absolutely to recognize or enforce any kind of sexual ownership. It cannot therefore remain neutral when such claims come before it. It must disallow them." (Experiment in Autobiography, Gollancz, London, 1934, vol. ii, p. 481).
Likewise Bertrand Russell. He wrote, in In Praise of Idleness (London, Unwin Books, 1973):
{p. 35} All this would be changed if it were the rule, and not the exception, for married women to earn their living by work outside the home. ... {p. 36} The problem is to secure the same communal advantages as were secured in medieval monasteries, but without celibacy ... {p. 37} The separate little houses, and the blocks of tenements each with its own kitchen, should be pulled down. ... There should be a common kitchen, a spacious dining hall ... All the children's meals should be in the nursery school ... Fram the time they are weaned until they go to school, they should spend all the time from breakfast till after their last meal at the nursery school ...
{end quote}
With such sentiments among "universalist" intellectuals, the family is under siege.
16. Israel Zangwill on Zionism, the Peace Conference and the Protocols
Zangwill, a Fabian socialist, advocate of World Government, and Zionist publicist, ridicules those arguing the Jewish Conspiracy. His arguments were later taken up by Herman Bernstein.
Zangwill here welcomes the Bolsheviks; yet, despite his profession of socialism, he regards Lord Rothschild as a benefactor, confirming, in effect, that there is no real opposition between Rothschild and the Bolsheviks.
Israel Zangwill, Speeches, articles and letters of Israel Zangwill, London 1937.
{p. 102} THE JEWISH BOGEY
[July 1920]
Nothing, in fact, is - to believe the anti-Semite - too colossal for the Jew to have achieved. He has at once made the world-war and pulled the strings of the peace-traps.
{p. 103} But, despite the momentary charge of Bolshevism, and the more permanent charge of Poverty - for it is as an invading pauper horde that Jewry more frequently figures to the Christian legislator - Capitalism is destined to remain the chief of the criminal stigmata by which the Jew may be known.
But not Capitalism merely for profit's sake. Capitalism for Jewry's sake. The Jew bankers of the world - that notorious intercatenation of super moneylenders - are engaged in the old Biblical business of exploiting the rest of mankind as a prelude to its extermination. I suppose nobody is in a better position than I to give the lie to the charge of Jewish solidarity, I, whose life has been half wasted in the effort to bring it about, who for twenty years toiled to unite the Jewish millionaires in the quest for a Jewish State, and whose supremest triumph lay in assembling three of them, a British, a Russian, and an American, in one Committee-room to promote - emigration from a Jewish centre!
{p. 104} As for the press being in the hands of the Jews, let us bring this questlon, too, into the open. I know only two daily papers in London of Jewish editorship or proprietorship, The Daily Express and The Daily Telegraph, and it is difficult to decide which is the more radically British.
{p. 198} THE EAST AFRICA OFFER
[Speech delivered at Derby Hall, Manchester, April 1905.]
{p. 199} To this policy of 'Lie low and say nothing' comes Zionism, with a trumpet-cry of 'Fly high and say everything'. Zionism means the end of the Marrano period and the revival of the Maccabean. {what of Leo Amery?}
{p. 136} TRIBUTE TO LORD ROTHSCHILD
[From 'The Jewish Chronicle,' April 9th, 1915.]
'Public life !' I well remember the almost rasping vehemence with which Lord Rothschild conveyed to me his remedy for anti-Semitism.
{p. 138} Rothschild tells me that he cannot see where the money for a Jewish Colony is to come from, and I elaborately expound to him the sources of revenue inherent in a population of thirteen millions. 'It is so difficult to get Palestine,' he once said to me, wistfully.
TRIBUTE TO JACOB SCHIFF
[Letter to 'The American Hebrew', January 12th, 1917.]
Your cable reminding me of the seventieth birthday of my friend Jacob Schiff comes just before the departure of the American mail ...
{p. 139} If the Talmudical fancy is true that our good deeds crcate angels, by what a shining host must Jacob Schiff go attended!
{p. 331} THE BALFOUR DECLARATION
[Speech delivered at the Thanksgiving Meeting held at the London Opera House, December 2nd, l917, Lord Rothschild being in the chair.]
IN my capacity of President of the Jewish Territorial Organization I have been honoured with an invitation to appear on your platform on this momentous occasion.
{p. 332} But it is not only a Jewish national home that our people needs. There is the further, and not less momentous, principle which Jewry has of late united in demanding - equality of rights with their fellow-citizens in every country for all Jews who may be unable or unwilling to take up the new citizenship in Palestine. This principle is the more important, inasmuch as, out of our thirteen or fourteen million Jews, only a small minority can possibly return to Palestine in any foreseeable period. Indeed, but for the fact that the Russian Revolution has in all probability brought freedom to the six
{p. 333} million Jews of Russia, I should still consider Palestine an utterly inadequate territory, and Galveston as still the one gate of hope.
{p. 336} I say that without the vision of a League of Nations the whole world will perish. And this vision is no mere dream of poets or dilettanti. It is the sober aspiration of statesmen like Mr. Asquith, like Lord Bryce, like Lord Lansdowne, like President Wilson, like the greatest personality the war has revealed, I mean General Smuts. But this aspiration was not originated by General Smuts or his fellow-statesmen. It is the vision of our own Isaiah: 'They shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning-hooks: nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.' In such a world, if it emerges, would it matter if we Jews did have a single nationality, if within all these leagued nations there was this still finer core of comradeship?
{p. 337} Let us rather make a great act of faith, and instead of disavowing the brotherhood of Israel let us proclaim - from our Jerusalem centre - the brotherhood of man. {what of the Palestinians?}
Palestine is not yet ours, and even when it is, our work - despite the pioneers we shall always honour, despite even Baron Edmond de Rothschild, to whom Palestine stands eternally indebted - will only begin.
{p. 338} And though our goal be yet far, yet already whell I recall how our small nation sustained the mailed might of all the great empires of antiquity, how we saw our Temple in flames and were scattered like its ashes, how we endured the long night of the Middle Ages ... the seer who foretold hls people's resurrection was not less prophetic when he proclaimed also for all peoples the peace of Jerusalem.
{p. 339} BEFORE THE PEACE CONFERENCE
[February 1919]
WITH the arrival in France of President Wilson, the champion of the League of Nations, the most momentous episode in all human history begins, the true 'War for the World' ...
If mankind thus builds a brotherhood, the immeasurable slaughter and suffering of the war will be redeemed, and the prophetic gospel of ancient Judea will come to its own at last: 'They shall beat their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning-hooks: nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.' But Judaism stands to gain also a minor traditional hope from the Peace Conference: the repossession of Palestine And if this secondary consummation could be united with the setting up of Jerusalem as the seat of the League of Nations, instead of the bankrupt Hague, the two Hebraic dreams, the major and the minor, would be fused in one,
{p. 340} and the Hebrew metropolis - that meeting-point of three world-religions - would become at once the centre and symbol of the new era.
{p. 343} PALESTINE REGAINED
[Review of Sokolow's 'History of Zionism', vol. I. June 1919.]
{p. 345} Long before the first Colony was founded, Lord Shaftesbury had been memorializing Palmerston to set up the Jews in Palestine ...
{p. 346} As if the six hundred thousand Arabs already on the soil did not form a sufficient obstacle to the creation of the 'Jewish National Home'.
{p. 352} THE BALFOUR DECLARATION
[Letter to 'The Times', May 13th, 1922.]
{p. 353} It is true that in promising Palestine to the Jews our statesmen exhibited as reckless a disregard of the existence of the six hundred thousand Arabs ...
{end of quotes}
Israel Zangwill, The Voice of Jerusalem, Macmillan, New York, 1921.
{p. 9} The soul of this "peculiar people" is best seen in the Bible, saturated from the first page of the Old Testament to the last page of the New with the aspiration for a righteous social order, and an ultimate unification of mankind.
{p. 13} "That men form one universal brotherhood, that they spring from one common origin, that their individual lives, their nations and races, interbreed and blend and go on to merge again at last in one common human destiny upon this little planet amidst the stars," is, according to Mr. Wells, the conclusion which science and history alike reach by their investigations. But, as he admits, all the world-religions had reached it by inspiration and insight. This conclusion was in fact the starting-point of Hebrew literature, declaring as it did that we are all sons of Adam, and that the colour-varieties sprang equally from the sons of Noah ...
{what, then, of the exhortation to avoid the goyim, i.e. non-Jews?}
{p. 50} These "little things" which "upset Jehovah" are scarcely the way to "the kingdom of God," of which Mr. Wells is the eloquent evangelist, and one constituent of which he specifically defines as "the progressive enlargement and development of the racial life." For, as Mr. Wells warms to his theme, we learn to our surprise that his own "Invisible King" {Wells wrote a book of this title} demands nothing if not ethical service. For him clergymen are to throw up their livings, barristers their briefs. "It is plain that he can admit no divided control of the world he claims. He concedes nothing to Caesar." Evidently then "a monopolist," between whom and Jehovah there is little to choose. Samuel himself was not more jealously republican for his God, than Mr. Wells for his. "God is to be made and declared the head of the world" and even the symbols on stamps are lese-majeste. And when we learn that the future is not to democracy but theocracy, and that the trinity is doomed, we are back in the derided Old Testament. The fact is, that Mr. Wells has all the "stigmata" of Hebrew prophecy - lips touched with the burning coal can in fact speak no otherwise.
{p. 51} Mr. Wells even unconsciously accepts in principle the dietary and sexual regimen of Judaism, which in an earlier chapter is contumeliously rejected. For "the believer owes all his being, and every moment of his life to God, to keep mind and body as clean, pure, wholesome, active, and completely at God's service, as he can. There is no scope for indulgence or dissipation in such a consecrated life." The fact that in orthodox Judaism the guidance is not left to individual ignorance does not afect the essence of the conception, which has been illustrated in contemporary life by the embargo on alcohol in America.
The sole difFerence between Mr. Wells's God and the ancient Hebrew's - as that God was apprehended in the best Semitic minds - is that Mr. Wells's God is finite. In His unity, invisibility or incorporeality, righteousness, jealousy, and unreserved and exclusive claim for service, He is identical with J hovah. And it is extremely interesting to witness the re-formation of ancient conceptions in an ultra-modern mind. Nor is the point of difference of supreme importance, for it is merely metaphysical, and the Hebrew genius in its palmy days had - I have already pointed out - no philosophy. Sufficient to obey and adore the unknowable Creator.
{p. 55} Nor ought I to complain that Mr. Wells's thought has "moved on" yet once more - it is like a muddy stream that purifies itself by force of going on - for he has now grown to understand the breadth of Jewish theology better, as well as the value of a "jealous" Jehovah. "Neither Gautama nor Lao Tse nor Confucius had any inkling of this idea of a jealous God, a God who would have 'none other gods,' a God of terrible Truth, who would not tolerate any lurking belief in magic, witchcraft, or old customs, or any sacrificing to the god-king or any trifling with the stern unity of things. The intolerance of the Jewish mind did keep its essential faith clear and clean." And again: "We have already noted the want of any progressive idea in primitive Buddhism. In that again it contrasted
{p. 56} with Judaism. The idea of a Promise gives to Judaism a quality no previous or contemporary religion displayed; it made Judaism historical {historicist} and dramatic. It justified its fierce intolerance because it pointed to an aim. ... Because of its persuasion of a promise and of a divine leadership to serve divine ends, it remained in comparison with Buddism bright and expectant, like a cared-for sword." Oddly enough, it is only when contrasting Judaism with Buddhism or Hellenism or with the doctrines of Lao Tse or Confucius that Mr. Wells is able to appreciate its claims to be the one sane central religion of humanity; when compared with Mohammedanism or Christianity it is accused of exclusiveness ...
{p. 58} It is in the chapter on the rise of Christianity that Mr. Wells shows himself least able to override his conscious prejudice against Judaism and his unconscious prejudice in favour of Christianity. Like most modern thinkers, he makes up for the denial of divinity to Jesus by divinising his doctrine land his life ...
{p. 61} These six hundred and thirteen precepts of the Mosaic code, though they doubtless embrace some survivals of primitive tabus and totems, are in the main only an attempt at a practical idealism, a sanctified sociology, an order in human affairs, which no one has demanded with more insistence - even unto pedantry and Philistinism - than Mr. Wells himself.
{more on Judaism as a "sanctified sociology" at p. 146 below}
{p. 120} The alternative Woodrow Wilson set up of the world as commonwealth or the world as cockpit was not clearly faced even by himself.
{p. 121} Had President Wilson returned home heart-broken at his defeat by the dark forces of Europe, he would have been the greatest success in human history. But that he should have triumphantly waved scraps of paper from which the Fourteen Points have been practically erased, here is the true tragedy of his downfall.
{p. 122} Not only is the League not a League of Nations, nor the Peace Treaty a Treaty of Peace, but President Wilson's tenaciously achieved embodiment of the first in the second was a triumph as hollow as the rest. For the whole point of the incorporation of the League in the Peace Treaty was that the co-existence of this covenant of co-operation, this new world- order, would react enormously upon the nature of the settlement, substituting as it must goodwill for hate, and reducing racial frictions to a minimum by the world-policy of the open door and free and equal access to ports, harbours and railways. In particular, boundary questions could be denuded of their significance, for the security of the individual frontier would depend not on its fortresses nor its geographical barriers but on the joint protection of the peoples.
But instead of the new world-order influencing the Peace Settlement, that Treaty is drawn up on the assumption of the constancy of the bad old world-order, and security of frontier has been pursued even to the sacrifice of the vaunted "principle of nationality."
{if we wants to do away with nations, why begin with creating Israel as a new nation?}
{p. 123} It is not, in fact, a League of Nations that has been brought forth, but a League of Damnations. ... In diminishing and crippling Germany to the utmost possible and in building up against her resurrection a barrier of new nations ...
{p. 124} Instead of a pact to guarantee one another's territorial integrity, the leagued nations should have undertaken to re-adjust one another's frontiers according to the variations of populations or their economic situation.
{p. 126} There is no need at all of strong nations inside the League, so long as there are no strong nations outside. Their union is strength, and all the strength necessary.
{p. 130} A Peace purporting to aim at a World-Unity ...
Bolshevism may be good or bad, but the United States of Russia would be in greater congruity with World-Peace than a swarm of conflicting nationalities; and if the Bolshevists can succeed in re-uniting them, they will to that extent be promoting the larger and truer ideal.
{p. 132} To increase the number of new nations without the preliminary creation of a real League of them, was merely to multiply the chances of conflagration. It was to add new denizens to the jungle.
{p. 133} This sullen resistance to the League has much in common with the super-millennial refusal of Israel to universalise the prophetic teaching and be absorbed in its diffiusion. {A theme echoed by Wells; and yet Zangwill remained a staunch Zionist, combining his universalism with dispossession of the Palestinians} ... In vain Paul cried: "There shall be neither Jew nor Greek." ... As if "Sovereign rights" were in any case unrestricted! As if they were something absolute and antinomian, immune from the claims of reason or justice!
{p. 143} As a body, Jews were the great agents of the Middle Ages - the wandering Jews, a human network of inter-communication. They carried literature and folk-lore; they brought science from Arabia to Europe by way of Spain; they invented the mechanism of commercial exchange, and, less creditably, were the chief slave-dealers. Medieval Israel was mainly an intermediary.
It is only through isolated individuals that Israel has influenced the world at first hand. Through Spinoza it affected the whole course of modern philosophy; through Ricardo it founded political economy; through Karl Marx and Lassalle it created socialism; through its financiers and politicians it has time and again shaped European politics; through a host of poets, scientists, actors, artists, musicians and journalists - of whom longum et dicere - it has been in the van of the world. To-day, in spite of two thousand years of suppression, and though but a small fraction of the population of the world, it looms large in the arts and letters and Bourses of every capital of civilisation.
But now we are confronted with the curious fact that the individuals through whom Israel has influenced the world have been for the most part divorced from the body proper. They have been heretics; caring little or nothing about "The Mission of Israel," and not immediately concerned about Righteousness They have been "racial," not "religious," Jews, and even their race they have sometimes disavowed.
{p. 145} By the positive side of Judaism, I mean simply the conception of life which is its essence. There is more in Judaism akin to the modern spirit than there is in any other religion, for the modern spirit is really akin to that of the Old Testament. The God of the Old Testament, invisible and incorporeal and incomprehensible, in whom is no variableness {on the contrary, he is partisan and vindictive}, neither shadow of tur ing, whose thoughts are not our thoughts, nor His ways our ways, who visits the sins of the fathers upon the children to the third and fourth generations, and who yet, on the whole, makes for righteousness and happiness, that terrible yet tender Father, who is still the God of Judaism, has more in common with the unity which we apprehend behind phenomena than the god of any other creed.
{p. 146} This Mosaic code, with its Rabbinical Commentaries, became the nucleus of a poetic domesticity that sweetened poverty and persecution; it made Israel cohere and be one in a brotherhood of obedience, despite dispersion to the four corners of the earth. This sanctified sociology made the sensuous sacred equally with the spiritual. Judaism sanctified the sensuous, Christianity was an abolition of the sensuous. In the result Christianity succeeded only in abolishing it from religion, not from life. No priestly pitchfork has ever expelled human nature.
{what of those Jews who tried to destroy the family in Bolshevik Russia?}
{more on Judaism as a "sanctified sociology" at p. 61}
{p. 147} For Judaism the centre of gravity is here and now {i.e. Earth, not a future life in Heaven}.
{p. 167} As some such grotesque notion of the ancient Jews and their bloodthirsty Jehovah is constantly cropping up (though in less surprising environments than a Congress of Races), it may be worth while to examine it in some detail, more especially as it shadows even the modern Jews in the guise of a suspicion, real or feigned, that they too cherish the dream of exterminating or at least conquering the heathen.
{Zangwill himself provides plenty of evidence of that}
{p. 180} The absence of a territory of their own in which new national history could be made forced them to cling to Zion in idea ... Thus Palestine soil clung still about the roots of Judaism,
{p. 181} Where eistence could be achieved legally, yet not without social inferiority, a minor form of Crypto-Judaism was begotten, which prevails to-day in most lands of Jewish emancipation, among its symptoms being change of names, accentuated local patriotism, accentuated abstention from Jewish affairs and even anti-Semitism mimetically absorbed from the environment. Indeed Marranoism, both in its major and minor forms, may be regarded as an exemplification of the Darwinian theory of protective colouring.
{p. 182} The notion, with which I shall presently deal in detail, that Jewish interests are Jesuitically federated or that Jewish financiers use their power for Jewish ends is one of the most ironic of myths.
{p. 190} Nothing in fact is - to believe the anti-Semite - too colossal for the Jew to have achieved. ... It was Jews who murdered the Czar, an accusation actually incorporated in the British White Book, and still exploited by The Times and the reactionary Russians {Note Zangwill's use of the word "reactionary", Bolshevik jargon for their opponents}, despite that even the Minister of Justice under Koltchak's Government has certified "that, among the number of persons proved bv the data of the preliminary enquiry to have been guilty of the assassination of the late Emperor Nicholas II. and his family, there was not any person of Jewish descent."
{Yet J. L. Talmon admits the contrary: talmon.html; and Robert Wilton, the Times' correspondent in Moscow, attests the Jewish control of the Revolution: wilton.html}
{p. 201} There is no Sanhedrin now extant, no "Learned Elders of Zion" exist whose meetings can be recorded in "Protocols," and "Nilus" seeming to have discovered this by the time his book reached a third and enlarged edition in 1911, substituted for his original melodramatic mendacities the story that his documents - described in the first edition as stolen from French Freemasonry - were simply the secret reports of the Zionist Congress at Basle in 1897. Unfortunately for "Nilus," I happened to be at all the sittings of that Congress, which was the first, and which I have described in my "Dreamers of the Ghetto." Nothing could be less like the operations of a Jew-
{p. 202} ish Jesuitry than this gathering, which laid the foundations of the Zionist movement and formulated its programme as "the acquisition of a publicly, legally recognised home for the Jewish people in Palestine." As this was an absolutelv new movement in Jewry, initiated in spite of great public opposition by a few more or less impecunious publicists, it seems indeed a strange manifestation on the part of the secret Semitic gang that ran - and runs - all the papers, parliaments and banks of the world, and in whose iconoclastic propaganda Charles Darwin was a prominent puppet! We have to do in fact with the forgery of a pious Russian, passionate for the Church and the Czar, edited in 1905 by an agency bent on drowning the Revolution of that year in Jewish blood. Such forgeries invariably appear in troubled periods, they are a stock historical weapon; though rarely has a forger admitted in more Irish fashion than the author of "The Jewish Peril" that he cannot prove the authenticity of his documents, for - he gravely explains - the essence of this criminal plot is secrecy!
It was like the journal which published the Pigott forgeries to take this grotesque fabrication seriously and thus encourage Count Reventlow and the reactionary monarchist parties in Germany, in whose platform anti-Semitism is a plank. Count Reventlow solemnly declared that he, for his part, had never credited the report that Lord Northcliffe was a Jew. The humourless Fatherland was flooded with a legend of a Jewish combination to destroy it, in which the gentle and venerable philanthropist, Jacob SchifF, figured side by side with Trotsky.
But it is impossible for even The Times to take "Nilus" seriously after the scathing scholarship of Mr. Lucien Wolf, who, in a letter to the Spectator, dissected the tangled threads of self-contradiction and, with a fascinating erudition, traced back the theory of the all-destroying Jew to the literature of Anti-christ that has been forged in successive centuries and in various blood-curdling shapes to explain the Lutheran Reformation, the Cromwellian Revolution, the French Revolution and
{p. 203} the Revolutions of '48 as all due to that same Semitic "hidden hand."
{Yet Benjamin Disraeli, writing in 1844, raid that a Revolution led by Jews was about to break out in Europe: disraeli.html}
{Here and in the following pages, Zangwill sets out the arguments later used by Herman Bernstein in his 1935 book The Truth About the "Protocols of Zion". Given the parallel passages, and Bernstein's unacknowledged debt to Zangwill, might he be accused of plagiarism? But this is the very charge levelled against Nilus or the Okhrana: fabricating the Protocols by plagiarising Joly. Note Zangwill's repetitive use of emotive words, fabrication, imaginary, fantastic etc., a trait copied by Bernstein}
The latest version of "The Jewish Peril" appears to be largely a plagiarism from the earlier fabrication by a German named Hermann Goedsche, who had actually been dismissed from the Prussian Postal Service for forgery, and it also borrows considerably from the pre-existing literature of the great Jewish conspiracy, e.g., Gougenot des Mousseau's "Le Juif, le Judaisme et la Judaisation des Peuples Chretiens."
To these contemporary forgeries may be added the imaginary speech of a Rabbi of Jaffa promising the Jews the conquest of the world (printed by Catholic newspapers in Holland), the letter to the same effect found in the pocket of a dead Bolshevist soldier, the utterance of the late Szamuely annexing Hungary as a Jewish land, the deliberations of the "Workers of Zion" at Kieff, and the circular recommending Bolshevism "disclosed" by a German paper as sent to the heads of the Alliance Israelite in Russia (a country where no branch of the Alliance exists or is permitted). There should also be noted the repetition of the libel on Zionism in the Brazol "revelations" that became the laughing-stock of America. Brazol had been assistant attorney for the Russian Government in the notorious Beilis case, and being in the States on Russian business, took occasion to publish a work with twenty-five apocryphal resolutions passed by an imaginary secret sitting of the First Basle Congress. Under examination, these schemes for the Bolshevisation of the world were found to be merely clumsy reproductions of existing anti-Semitic creations in Russian, German, or Rumanian. All these forgeries are, however, but the expression of a state of mind in the public, and doubtless sometimes in the forger too, who feels more like a champion putting his truth in artistic form than a malicious liar and a deliberate cheat {might not this also apply to Jewish missionaries like Zangwill?}. Hence, the danger of these fictions does not evaporate at their exposure, for the public credulity that inspired them persists and gives the breath of life to fresh embodiments of panic. For the fear, as well as the wish, is father to the thought. Note, as Renan said to Salomon Reinach, how uninventive is human malignity. "Elle tourne eternellement dans le meme cercle d'accusations." And the ascription of calamities to a "hidden hand" already hated is one of the most familiar workings of the mass-mind.
It is not even necessary that the accusation should come by the complex channel of forgery. A bouncing assertion suffices. Since I began this paper, the evidence has become overwhelm-
{p. 204} ing of a world-plot worked {i.e. a conspiracy revealed} by a little gang of exiles from Bolshevist Russia in the favourable atmosphere of a world-concordat of sentiment amongst the militarist and monarchical classes of all countries {note the Bolshevik jargon}, fomented by the chauvinisms of war, and finding vent in this same fantastic charge. According to the President of the Independent Order B'nai B'rith {note Zangwill's quoting of this peak body of Jewish Freemasonry}, a circular entitled "Jewry Ueber Alles" has been sent out by the gang "to American publicists and men of afairs, charging the Jew with the responsibility for the world war and with a vast conspiracy to control the economic world," and the same group "has been distributing throughout the American Legion posts a large amount of literature of the same general nature, urging ex-soldiers to arm themselves against 'the Jewish peril.'" The latest manifestation comes, as I write, to lift into notoriety the unknown Dearborn Independent, the personal organ of Henry Ford, the car manufacturer, who, after visiting Germany in a Peace Ship, turned into a rabid militarist when America's own tocsin sounded. An anonymous article in this journal, entitled "Germany's Reaction Against the Jew," brings the case against the world's whipping-boy to its comic culmination. For it declares that "the sole winners of the war were Jews." Early in the war, in my book, "The War for the World," I had predicted that the time would come when the Jews would be gibbeted as its sole starters, but even my cynical prescience did not foresee that they would grow into its sole winners. Poor Jews, whose bones bleach on every battlefield in Europe, Asia, and Africa! However, the Dearborn Independent deserves our gratitude, for, in reproducing the German case, it naturally reproduces the factor omitted from the British edition of "The Jewish Peril," and England reappears as the Jew's ally or tool in the conquest of the world. Pan-Juda - " the only State exrcising world-government, since all the other States can and may exercise national government only" - had before the war its Capital in London. Strange that I should have been born in this city and lived most of my life therein, and have never heard till this day of the "wonderfully organised All-Jewish Government" whose web radiates thence: the Government "whose fleet is the British fleet which guards from hindrance the progress of All-Jewish world-economy," and in return for which, "Pan-Juda assures Britain an undisturbed, political and territorial world-rule," and has recently "added Palestine to British control." What was Tamburlaine with his chariot drawn by bitted and harnessed kings to His Imperial Majesty,
{p. 205}